Hernando
Cortez
Cortez is renowned for the
successful conquest of the Aztec Empire; incredibly destroying the Aztec Empire
which had taken centuries to build within two years and with less than six
hundred men between 1518 and 1520. Indeed, a key figure in the glory of the
Spanish Empire. Furthermore, Cortez’s conquests over modern day Mexico,
Honduras and parts of Latin America helped facilitate the development social
and political structure of New Spain and the administration of Tenochtitlan,
and also demonstrating military techniques employed by conquistadors over territories
to assert authority, and the legacy of the Spanish Empire in the world today. Certainly,
the motives of such conquistadors and the long and short term impact had indeed
found itself a focus of debate. Historians have compared such conquests to the Crusades
of the High Middle Ages. Undeniably, the ‘Spiritual conquests’ of the New World
peoples as Conquistadors such as Cortez facilitated conversion of native
populations and were enthusiastic of the destruction of perceived heathen Mesoamerican culture to which
was dismissed as satanic and evil. It could be argued it is the cultural, and
not the economic legacy of conquistadors which is the most significant. However,
one must also recognise other arguments such as the demographic and political
implications the conquests of Spanish nobles into new and hostile territories
to which they’re impact is also felt.
The military conquest of
Aztec Empire, Cortez knew would require more than military might and advanced
technology. Having so few troops was a major weakness of Conquistadors, despite
having access to Calvary and gunpowder, the numbers of the Aztecs would
overwhelm the conquistadors. Cortez was able to manipulate Native American groups;
the Totonacs, Tlaxcaltecs and other subjugated Native American groups through
political manoeuvring and physical force to secure alliances to advance on Tenochtitlan.[1]
Indeed, this demonstrated Cortez’s diplomatic skills as a political strategist
to secure victory. However, other historians such as Diaz have argued that the
Aztecs lost because they were unfamiliar to mounted troops and techniques such
as Calvary charges.[2]
Of course the role of Calvary on a psychological level, as the impact of
surprise as the unexpected charge and force could perhaps unleash a psychological
terror amongst Aztec forces. However, historians such as McNeil discredit Cortez’s
role as a political strategist and use of superior military techniques and
argue that in fact a biological exchange was responsible for the collapse of
the Aztec empire. McNeil argues Cortez’s conquest of the Aztecs and later
Pizarro’s conquest of the Incas was founded on biological immunity to Old World
diseases such as small pox, which were quickly able to wipe out large
percentages of the population who possessed little or no imunity to Old World
diseases the conquistadors carried such as Small Pox, which had a deep cultural
and psychological effect, and an indicative auxiliary component which
determined the success of Cortez’s conquest, and Spanish imperialism overall.[3]
The ruins of Tenochtitlan
quickly became to centre of the Spanish Colonial life. Indeed, in Cortez’s
third letter to Charles V in March 1521, Cortez writes, “Above all, they were
fighting to increase and spread our Faith and submit to Your Majesty’s service
all those lands and provinces which had rebelled; this should fill them with
courage and desire to conquer and die.”[4]
Despite Cortez declaring himself as a vassal for Charles V as sovereign, indeed
the source suggests that rebellions have occurred. Restall argues that local
autonomy eroded gradually under demographic and political pressures from
non-native populations, and that the conquest was more gradual and could not be
complete while the alteptl and ayllu existed.[5] Questions
to the extent of the success of Cortez’s conquest of the Mexico and the extent
to which strategies employed in the destruction of the Aztecs provided long
term political stability for a flourishing colony to establish, or simply a
means to allow further ruthless exploitation as previously practised on
Caribbean colonies, to which Cortez was in fact infected with a disease that he
told Emperor Montezuma II, “We Spaniards have a disease of the heart that only
Gold can cure” [6].
Significantly in Cortez’s
writings to the Spanish Crown, one of the main emphasises of the conquest is
that of a spiritual conquest. The religion of the Aztecs centred on cosmic and
natural forces and was polytheistic. Furthermore, the Aztecs pleased the gods
by offering human sacrifice in order to secure rainfall, plentiful harvests and
victory in battle. The beliefs in place offended the Spanish whom saw the
practices as heathen and belittled them. The Spanish response, which became
increasingly aggressive as the context of the reformation swept across Europe
by the late 1520/30s, was one of a spiritual conversion. Indeed, Cortez wrote, “If these people were now to
see the affairs of the Church and the service of God in the hands of canons or
other dignitaries, and saw them indulge in the vices and profanities now common
in Spain, knowing that such men were the ministers of God, it would bring our
Faith into much harm that I believe any further preaching would be of no avail.”[7] Indeed, the spread of Christianity was
seen as a just and moral obligation to which the bible and the papacy provided
authority and justification for religious conversion. Indeed, the Papacy conferred
the rights of the Spanish crown of patronage to the major ecclesiastical
benefices of the new world in 1508.[8]
Knight argues this is significant in developing a Spanish crusading zeal to
which conquistadors saw themselves as active agents.[9]
And indeed, Cortez was prevented from destroying Mexican religious idols by a
friar. Indeed, Bernard Diaz writes of Cortez’s “customary exposition of our
holy faith and in his injunctions [to the Indians] to give up sacrifice and
sodomy”.[10]
Indeed this demonstrates the extent to which religious motivation was perceived
as important and necessary amongst conquistadors whom perhaps wished to seek
piety to add to their glory and honour.
Other historians have taken an economic approach to
imperialism. Knight argues that the conquest of Mexico was part of the
gestation of European capitalism and served to integrate Mexico into the mercantile
capitalist system[11]. Indeed, mercantilism
defines the economic beliefs of early modern Europe which encouraged a
small-country psychosis to expand in order to attain resources. Conquistadors
such as Cortez’s motives to acquire resources for the realm of Spain as well as
personal gains are indicative of the economic understanding of the time. Cortez
was in
the words of historian Jean Descola, “a young man [who] tried his luck”[12].
Indeed, lured by the myths of fortunes of the mainland of America. And it is a
mercantilist capitalism which could be argued drives Cortez, seeking treasure
and fortune, which is the ideological motivation and not religious piety.
Overall, Cortez and other
Conquistadors are significant in the development of Spanish Empire, which
covered most of central and South America, and lasted the longest. The cultural
and demographic impacts are widely felt to the present day. Indeed, with the
impact of diseases such as smallpox as McNeil strongly argues, but also the
introduction Christianity. Conquistadors, and Cortez in Mexico as a case study
show how the crown was able to rule over foreign lands, and introduce an
economic policy which allowed Spain to safely extract resources and raw
materials from the colonies by exploiting labour by manipulating the existing
hierarchical native social structures allowing the conquistadors and the Crown
of Spain to control. The aims of conquistadors pose historiographical debates
as to their aims; secular or religious. While indeed, Gold and glory, (although
mostly silver) lured conquistadors to the new world. One should not dismiss the
sincere religious devotion and will of the conquistadors to Christian
conversion. Indeed, the crusading spirit of Papal devotion seemly did sweep the
new world as conquistadors such as Cortez and the Spanish Crown facilitated a
movement towards cultural uniformity over their new American subjects. Indeed,
it had been achieved by the inquisition following the Reconquista in the
Iberian Peninsula which had driven out Moorish Muslims. Furthermore, however
one must recognise secular interests of cultural uniformity in establishing
allegiance to a monarch and the conquistador to establish authority and loyalty.
But also in the context of the reformation in Northern Europe such devotion to
the Papacy had diplomatic perks in securing papal backing of one’s government.
It could be argued that the demographic impact of Small Pox as McNeil argued
were significant, psychologically in converting natives, who’s God failed to
protect them from disease to which the conquistadors’ God seemingly could. But early
modern European societies’ devotion to its faith was absolute, and indeed
Cortez’s religious devotion to covert the native population and eradicate the
old religion was indeed a ‘crusading spirit’ to establish a sacred apostolic
community, and indeed the continuation of Christianity and its devotion is one
of the longest legacies of the Conquistadors in establishing law and order and
facilitating the conversion of Christianity through cultural hybridisation. By transplanting
religion and to some extent economic mercantilism and also Spanish law to Spanish
colonies and this was achieved through Conquistadors such as Cortez integrating
into an existing social structure. If they were able to achieve that, as Cortez
did, personal glory and wealth were rewards but also the ability to spread the Gospel
of Jesus Christ, the greatest and most honoured deed.
Words: 1549
Bibliography
Primary Sources
A.R,
Pagden. Hernán Cortés, Letters
from Mexico. (New York: Grossman Publishers, 1971).pp. 207- 333.
G.
B, Tindall, & D. E, Shi. America: A
Narrative History (Brief Ninth Edition), (New York: W.W.Norton &
Company, 2013). p18.
Secondary Sources
J. Descola, The conquistadors. (London: Geroge Allen
& Unwin Ltd, 1954). Pp129- 140.
B. Diaz.The Conquest of New Spain. (London:
Penguin Books, 1963).pp189- 216.
J.H, Elliott, Imperial Spain, (London: Penguin Books,
2002). pp53-54
Knight, Mexico: From the Beginning to the Spanish
Conquest. (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press,
2002). 194- 210.
W. H, McNeill. Plagues and Peoples. (London: Penguin
Books, 1979). p170
M. Restall. Severn Myths of the Spanish Conquest. (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 2003). p74.
M, Robinson III, The Spanish Invasion of Mexico 1519–1521. (USA: Ofsprey, 2014), p35.
[1] The
Spanish Invasion of Mexico 1519–1521. p35.
[2] B. Diaz. The Conquest of New Spain, (London:
Penguin Books, 1963). p189-216.
[3] W. H, McNeill. Plagues and Peoples. (London: Penguin Books, 1979). p170.
[4] A.R, Pagden. Hernán Cortés, Letters from Mexico. (New York:
Grossman Publishers, 1971). p207
[5] M. Restall. Severn Myths of the Spanish Conquest. (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 2003). p74.
[6] G. B, Tindall, & D. E, Shi. America: A Narrative History (Brief Ninth
Edition), (New York: W.W.Norton & Company, 2013). p18
[7] A.R,
Pagden. Hernán Cortés, Letters
from Mexico. (New York: Grossman Publishers, 1971). p333
[8] Knight, Mexico:
From the Beginning to the Spanish Conquest. (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2002). p 209.
[9] Knight, Mexico:
From the Beginning to the Spanish Conquest. (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2002). p210
[10] J.H, Elliott, Imperial
Spain, (London: Penguin Books, 2002). pp53-54
[11] Knight, Mexico:
From the Beginning to the Spanish Conquest. (Cambridge: Cambrodge
University Press, 2002). p194
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