Queen Isabelle, the She-Wolf of France.
The reign of Isabelle of France
as queen consort to King Edward II was not an unusual one, at least not until
the autumn of 1326. Benz
argues that Edward and Isabelle worked together for a common purpose to
maintain a functional and normative relationship which could be exploited for
mutual benefit.[1] Isabelle certainly played a crucial role as a
diplomat and successful queen with exceptional charisma as demonstrated by her
leadership of an invasion force. Although she did however fall susceptible to
allegations of murder and adultery, the latter established her the reputation
as the “She-Wolf of France,
with unrelenting fangs” as described by the eighteenth-century poet Thomas
Grey.[2] Weir
explores this notion as indicative of feminine recklessness, noting how her
otherwise pristine reputation was tarnished by her involvement in the
overthrow, invasion and possible connection to the death of Edward II.[3] Her
reign is also unusual in the sense that her reign extends beyond the
constitutional boundary of marriage; maintaining the title of Queen after
Edward II’s death which continued into Edward III’s reign. Earenfight’s
typology of the role of queens is limited in scope in contrast to Isabelle’s
career by restricting medieval queens to traditional roles of marriage,
reproduction, motherhood and intercession.[4] It seems reasonable,
however, to suggest that Isabelle’s queenship was ‘unusual’ since King Edward’
reign has been described as “unconventional” by Warner.[5]
Explicitly, Isabelle’s political
career had been largely uninspiring; fulfilling her marital obligations,
producing four children by 1321, securing Edward II’s succession with a male
heir.[6] Indeed, this is
significant as the maternal duty was considered part of the ‘coronation oath’
and a powerful method for establishing legitimacy.[7] In this sense, Isabelle’s
queenship was conventional. Further, she fulfilled the conventional roles of
queenship and engaged frequently in intercession by monopolising the king’s
ear, endorsing thirteen separate Acts of Intercession in 1317 alone.[8] Moreover, Parsons argues
“Isabella consistently took a supportive role in Edward's relations with his
barons and the French crown”.[9] Isabelle had accompanied Edward to Paris in
May 1313 to negotiate a political settlement regarding the status of French
subjects in Antiquate and was instrumental in the discovery of the wives of
three of Charles IV’s sons whom had been engaging in sexual affairs with two
young knights.[10]
Thus demonstrates her inquisitive personality. Whilst Isabelle’s early
political career in many was not conventional, however, in fact she proactively
engaged in court politics. One should note that this could be deemed a
pragmatic move on behalf of Edward to use Isabelle’s French connections to his
advantage, nevertheless, her role was never purely conventional.
Isabelle’s queenship was conventional
of what was expected for the first half of her reign; before declining during
her third and fourth pregnancies in the years 1318-21 followed by years of no
reported Acts of Intercession in 1321-26.[11] The period 1321-26 marks
the period of the civil war followed by Edward’s victory and ‘tyranny’ of the Despenser
regime.[12] This was an interesting
sequence of events as the Queen slipped out of favour with the king. Not only unable to enact intercession, she
failed to produce heirs to further secure primogeniture succession and provide
political stability. The end of the civil war marks the sequence in events
which led to the Queen’s disapproval. Following the war she performed
intercession on behalf of Edward’s enemies; symbolically going down on her
knees before the king to reconcile the relationship between Edward and his
people. Parson argues that the Queen’s public
association with the king’s opponents led to her having “no lasting success as
a mediator in domestic or foreign affairs”.[13] It should, however, be
noted that she continued to play a dominant role in opposing the Despensers
from 1322, resulting in Edward’s displeasure. Furthermore, in September 1324 Edward
took Queen Isabelle’ county of Cornwall. Whilst he claimed it was due to a fear
of a French invasion, Warner suggests it was a punitive measure with unclear
explanations.[14]
Her relationship further deteriorated under the Depenser’s regime; her servants
were dismissed and she became financially dependent on the King, living on
eight marks daily.[15] This is indicative of a
new relationship in which Isabelle became increasingly side-lined during the
Despenser regime.
Queen Isabelle did, however, continue
to engage in political activity. Indeed, being entrusted on a diplomatic
mission to France in March 1325 to negotiate a peace settlement in Gascony with
the King of France, her brother; even if only as a contingency following the
failures of previous diplomats. Further, the Vita notes “for since she was related by blood to each king she
might the more effectively procure peace.”[16] Her experience in France
was by no means conventional as the mission lasted eighteen months and involved
her returning with an invasion force. There is also much uncertainty as to what
happened during her mission in France, especially regarding her relationship
with Roger Mortimer who escaped to Hainault. The traditional historiography is largely
influenced by the view of Geffoery le Baker who writes retrospectively using
hindsight to piece together a narrative which involves Queen Isabelle and Charles
IV in a conspiracy to bring upon Edward’s deposition. He notes “Mortimer, the
lover of the queen... was planning to overthrow the royal blood and usurp his
royal majesty.”[17]
Such writings were written after the execution of Mortimer for his crimes,
which were certainly designed to tarnish his reputation, and in doing so, also
that of the Queen. The Lanercost
Chronicler notes that there was a “liaison suspected between him and the lady
Queen-mother”.[18]
Revisionists, such as Warner, deny the notion that Isabelle had any involvement
in his escape and argues there is no evidence to suggest they had any sexual
relationship, rather Mortimer was simply a member of the Queen’s faction.[19] Nevertheless, Earenfight notes the actions of
a rebellious queen as detrimental to the king as Isabelle’s ‘liaison’ with
Mortimer emphasised Edward’s weaknesses as it undermined his sexual rights to
his wife’s body.[20]
Mortimer, who previously had been an intransigent political opponent, now was associated
with Edward’s wife. Thus, conflicting with the conjugal binding of matrimonial
authority of her husband to whose masculine household authority was undermined
when she then betrothed his son to the Philippa of Hainault.[21] The exercise of executive
royal power by a female leader is unusual and ultimately leads to criticism of
her as a wife, queen and ally of Mortimer due to the nature of their
heterosexual companionship. But,
Isabelle’s actions were pragmatic, as the dowry from Phillipa was used to hire
mercenaries necessary for the invasion led by her and Mortimer.
The exercise of feminine
sovereignty tells us much about the extent of medieval queenship in England.
Parsons declares that “no queen exercised full sovereign powers as regent in
her son’s minority” as English ritual dissociated the king’s wife from his
authority as in coronation it is the king who holds the sceptre which derives
such power.[22]
In Isabelle’s case, it was her son Edward who held the sceptre and thus
ultimately held kingly authority even if unable to exercise it. Parson is
certainly right to argue the cases for the absence of feminine sovereignty in
Medieval England, even under Isabelle’s regency with Roger Mortimer being recognised
as the de facto king. Whilst no author
had derived a coherent theory of sovereignty; the devolved powers had been
fully established, thus distinguishing the crown and royal person.[23]
This unusual case of feminine
invasion and deposition continues to display features of patriarchal normality.
Although Mortimer was referred to as
‘the king's kinsman’, he held no official position or title in English
governance, however his notable favourites Bishop Adam Orleton and Sir Oliver
Ingham did.[24]
This demonstrates the continuity of a queen whose power remains subordinate to another
male figure. Thus, the relationship forms a household, whether or not the
relationship was sexual. The role of the queen is in effect the same during the
reign of Mortimer as it had been with Edward. Indeed, her lack of
accountability and authority was exemplified when word got out that Edward II
had died in captivity. This is demonstrated by Edward III sparing Isabelle of
any blame despite questions over her involvement in the alleged ‘murder’ of his
father, instead ordering the execution of Mortimer alone.[25] Edward’s compassion in
this instance was likely simply due to his unconditional love for his mother.
The severity of Mortimer’s punishment for the offence of treason clearly
demonstrates the extent to which his accountability was due to his male status
as it was feared that it could be used to attain kingship, which unlike
queenship, posed no threat to succession. It is in many ways this indifference
in attitudes towards queenship which is most distinguishing. Its failure to be
recognised as true sovereignty denies Isabelle the opportunity to be feared
despite displaying characteristic which would have been unusual if she were to
be king. It was ultimately Mortimer who was feared, despite his legitimacy and
power which was sourced from Isabelle’s royal blood.
The remainder of Isabelle’s life was
to be spent in retirement as a ‘poor Clare’, however uniquely Isabelle retained
her title as Queen alongside Philippa’s queenship even after Edward II’s death.
Although she had been forgiven by Edward III, she was left to live dependant off
him in Hertford Castle, which was falling into disrepair. Despite this, Weir
finds no records of any repairs being carried out during her time there.[26] The absence of funds for repair is most likely
due to the state of Edward III’s treasury after the costly yet successful war
with the French from 1337. Ironically, this is where Isabelle’s influence as
the queen-mother grew. Indeed she participated in intercession frequently,
particularly during the late 1350s as the Edwardian War emerged to an English
victory.[27]
Her last diplomatic action in 1358 was successful
as Isabelle secured an agreement with King John to pay a ransom of 4 million gold
crowns to recognise Edward III’s sovereignty over the England’s territory in
France.[28] Further, Weir attributes the diplomatic
success to Isabelle due to her vested interest in the region as the possessions
descended from her dowry.[29]
Overall, Isabelle is certainly an
unusual queen not only because she is involved in the deposition of her
husband, suspected of his murder and accused of adultery. But because of her
political activity and involvement which continued into her retirement until
her death in 1359. She was buried with her husband’s heart which symbolises her
everlasting affection and remorse for his equally unconventional kingship. The queenship
of Isabelle is certainly unusual following the invasion as the Queen whilst
exercising effective government. However, in a time of political events inherently
unusual, Isabelle’s actions were often deemed pragmatic. Isabelle’s reputation
is certainly tainted by her contumacious
legacy as a ‘she-wolf’ which was created through political propaganda designed
to damage Mortimer. Isabelle consistently worked to exploit the political
situation; primarily as a as a wife in her early years of queenship which she
then continued as an effective politician. This makes her charisma a rarity,
but not unusual.
Bibliography
Primary Sources
G. Baker, Geoffrey, D. Preest (eds), and R. W, Barber
(eds), The Chronicle of Geoffrey Le Baker of Swinbrook, ( Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2012). P41
N. Denholm-Young, Vita Edwardi Secundi: The Life of Edward
the Second, By the So-Called Monk of Malmesbury (London: Thomas Nelson and
Son; First Edition edition, 1957). p135
H. Maxwell. The Chronical of Lanercost: 1272-1346, (Glasgow:
James Maclehose and Son). p266
https://www.poetryfoundation.org/poems-and-poets/poems/detail/44298 (Accessed: 25th
March 2017).
Secondary Sources
L. Benz, ‘In the Best
interest of the Queen’, in J.S. Hamilton (ed.), Fourteenth Century England
VIII, (Broydell Press, 2014). p37.
L. Benz, ‘In the
Queen’s Best Interest: Isabella, Edward II and the Image of a Functional
Relationship’ from Edward II Conference
2010, (The National Archives: London).
R. Davies, ‘Mortimer,
Roger (V), first earl of March (1287–1330)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2004).
T. Earenfight, Queenship and Power: Queenship in Medieval
Europe, (Palgrave: New York, 2013).
N. Fryde, The tyranny and fall of Edward II,
1321-1326, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979).
J. C, Parsons,
‘Isabella (1295–1358)’, Oxford Dictionary
of National Biography, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004)
J. C, Parsons, “Ritual
and Symbol in the English Medieval Queenship to 1500”, in L. O, Fredenburg
(ed), Women & Sovereignty, (
Edinburgh: University of Edinburgh Press) p64
S. Phillips, Edward II, ((New Haven: Yale University
Press). p222
A. Rigaudiere, ‘The
theory and practice of government in western Europe in the fourteenth century’
in
M. Jones (ed.), The new Cambridge Medieval History: Volume
VI c. 1300-c.1415, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000). Pp30-32.
K. Warner, Edward II: The unconventional king, (Amberly:
Gloucestershire, 2014).
A. Weir, Isabella: She wolf of France, Queen of
England, (London: Pimlico, 2006). Pp1-5.
.
[1] L. Benz, ‘In the Best interest of the Queen’, in J.S.
Hamilton (ed), Fourteenth Century England VIII, (Broydell Press, 2014). p37.
[2] https://www.poetryfoundation.org/poems-and-poets/poems/detail/44298 (Accessed: 25th
March 2017).
[3] A. Weir, Isabella:
She-wolf of France, Queen of England, (London: Pimlico, 2006). Pp1-5.
[4] T. Earenfight, Queenship
and Power: Queenship in Medieval Europe, (Palgrave: New York, 2013).
[5] K. Warner, Edward
II: The unconventional king, (Amberly: Gloucestershire, 2014).
[6] A. Weir, Ibid,
p475
[7] T. Earenight, ibid,
p7.
[8] L. Benz, ‘In the Queen’s Best Interest: Isabella,
Edward II and the Image of a Functional Relationship’ from Edward II Conference 2010, (The National Archives: London).
[9] John Carmi Parsons, ‘Isabella (1295–1358)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography,
Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Jan 2008
[http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/14484, accessed 25 March 2017]
[10] S. Phillips, Edward
II, ((New Haven: Yale University Press). p222
[11] L. Benz, ibid.
[12] N. Fryde, The
tyranny and fall of Edward II, 1321-1326, (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1979).
[13] J. C, Parson, Ibid
[14] Warner, Ibid, p184
[15] J. C, Parson, Ibid
[16] N. Denholm-Young,
Vita Edwardi Secundi: The Life of Edward the Second, By the So-Called Monk of
Malmesbury (London: Thomas Nelson and Son; First Edition edition, 1957).
p135
[17] G. Baker, Geoffrey, D. Preest (ed.), and
R. W, Barber (ed.), The Chronicle
of Geoffrey Le Baker of Swinbrook, (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2012). P41
[18] H. Maxwell. The
Chronical of Lanercost: 1272-1346, (Glasgow: James Maclehose and Son). p266
[19] Warner, Ibid, p175
p202
[20] Earenfight, Ibid,
p149
[21] Ibid
[22] J. C, Parsons, “Ritual and Symbol in the English
Medieval Queenship to 1500”, in L. O, Fredenburg (ed), Women & Sovereignty, (Edinburgh: University of Edinburgh Press)
p64.
[23] A. Rigaudiere, ‘The theory and practice of government
in western Europe in the fourteenth century’ in M. Jones (ed.), The new Cambridge Medieval History: Volume
VI c. 1300-c.1415, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000). Pp30-32.
[24] R. Davies, ‘Mortimer, Roger (V), first earl of March
(1287–1330)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press,
2004;
[25] Weir, Ibid, p3
[26] Weir, ibid, p367
[27] L. Benz, ibid
[28] Weir, ibid, 372
[29] Ibid.
