Hernando Cortez: A personal enquiry.

Hernando Cortez

Cortez is renowned for the successful conquest of the Aztec Empire; incredibly destroying the Aztec Empire which had taken centuries to build within two years and with less than six hundred men between 1518 and 1520. Indeed, a key figure in the glory of the Spanish Empire. Furthermore, Cortez’s conquests over modern day Mexico, Honduras and parts of Latin America helped facilitate the development social and political structure of New Spain and the administration of Tenochtitlan, and also demonstrating military techniques employed by conquistadors over territories to assert authority, and the legacy of the Spanish Empire in the world today. Certainly, the motives of such conquistadors and the long and short term impact had indeed found itself a focus of debate. Historians have compared such conquests to the Crusades of the High Middle Ages. Undeniably, the ‘Spiritual conquests’ of the New World peoples as Conquistadors such as Cortez facilitated conversion of native populations and were enthusiastic of the destruction of perceived heathen Mesoamerican culture to which was dismissed as satanic and evil. It could be argued it is the cultural, and not the economic legacy of conquistadors which is the most significant. However, one must also recognise other arguments such as the demographic and political implications the conquests of Spanish nobles into new and hostile territories to which they’re impact is also felt.

The military conquest of Aztec Empire, Cortez knew would require more than military might and advanced technology. Having so few troops was a major weakness of Conquistadors, despite having access to Calvary and gunpowder, the numbers of the Aztecs would overwhelm the conquistadors. Cortez was able to manipulate Native American groups; the Totonacs, Tlaxcaltecs and other subjugated Native American groups through political manoeuvring and physical force to secure alliances to advance on Tenochtitlan.[1] Indeed, this demonstrated Cortez’s diplomatic skills as a political strategist to secure victory. However, other historians such as Diaz have argued that the Aztecs lost because they were unfamiliar to mounted troops and techniques such as Calvary charges.[2] Of course the role of Calvary on a psychological level, as the impact of surprise as the unexpected charge and force could perhaps unleash a psychological terror amongst Aztec forces. However, historians such as McNeil discredit Cortez’s role as a political strategist and use of superior military techniques and argue that in fact a biological exchange was responsible for the collapse of the Aztec empire. McNeil argues Cortez’s conquest of the Aztecs and later Pizarro’s conquest of the Incas was founded on biological immunity to Old World diseases such as small pox, which were quickly able to wipe out large percentages of the population who possessed little or no imunity to Old World diseases the conquistadors carried such as Small Pox, which had a deep cultural and psychological effect, and an indicative auxiliary component which determined the success of Cortez’s conquest, and Spanish imperialism overall.[3]

The ruins of Tenochtitlan quickly became to centre of the Spanish Colonial life. Indeed, in Cortez’s third letter to Charles V in March 1521, Cortez writes, “Above all, they were fighting to increase and spread our Faith and submit to Your Majesty’s service all those lands and provinces which had rebelled; this should fill them with courage and desire to conquer and die.”[4] Despite Cortez declaring himself as a vassal for Charles V as sovereign, indeed the source suggests that rebellions have occurred. Restall argues that local autonomy eroded gradually under demographic and political pressures from non-native populations, and that the conquest was more gradual and could not be complete while the alteptl and ayllu existed.[5] Questions to the extent of the success of Cortez’s conquest of the Mexico and the extent to which strategies employed in the destruction of the Aztecs provided long term political stability for a flourishing colony to establish, or simply a means to allow further ruthless exploitation as previously practised on Caribbean colonies, to which Cortez was in fact infected with a disease that he told Emperor Montezuma II, “We Spaniards have a disease of the heart that only Gold can cure” [6].

Significantly in Cortez’s writings to the Spanish Crown, one of the main emphasises of the conquest is that of a spiritual conquest. The religion of the Aztecs centred on cosmic and natural forces and was polytheistic. Furthermore, the Aztecs pleased the gods by offering human sacrifice in order to secure rainfall, plentiful harvests and victory in battle. The beliefs in place offended the Spanish whom saw the practices as heathen and belittled them. The Spanish response, which became increasingly aggressive as the context of the reformation swept across Europe by the late 1520/30s, was one of a spiritual conversion. Indeed, Cortez wrote, “If these people were now to see the affairs of the Church and the service of God in the hands of canons or other dignitaries, and saw them indulge in the vices and profanities now common in Spain, knowing that such men were the ministers of God, it would bring our Faith into much harm that I believe any further preaching would be of no avail.”[7] Indeed, the spread of Christianity was seen as a just and moral obligation to which the bible and the papacy provided authority and justification for religious conversion. Indeed, the Papacy conferred the rights of the Spanish crown of patronage to the major ecclesiastical benefices of the new world in 1508.[8] Knight argues this is significant in developing a Spanish crusading zeal to which conquistadors saw themselves as active agents.[9] And indeed, Cortez was prevented from destroying Mexican religious idols by a friar. Indeed, Bernard Diaz writes of Cortez’s “customary exposition of our holy faith and in his injunctions [to the Indians] to give up sacrifice and sodomy”.[10] Indeed this demonstrates the extent to which religious motivation was perceived as important and necessary amongst conquistadors whom perhaps wished to seek piety to add to their glory and honour.

Other historians have taken an economic approach to imperialism. Knight argues that the conquest of Mexico was part of the gestation of European capitalism and served to integrate Mexico into the mercantile capitalist system[11]. Indeed, mercantilism defines the economic beliefs of early modern Europe which encouraged a small-country psychosis to expand in order to attain resources. Conquistadors such as Cortez’s motives to acquire resources for the realm of Spain as well as personal gains are indicative of the economic understanding of the time. Cortez was in the words of historian Jean Descola, “a young man [who] tried his luck”[12]. Indeed, lured by the myths of fortunes of the mainland of America. And it is a mercantilist capitalism which could be argued drives Cortez, seeking treasure and fortune, which is the ideological motivation and not religious piety.

Overall, Cortez and other Conquistadors are significant in the development of Spanish Empire, which covered most of central and South America, and lasted the longest. The cultural and demographic impacts are widely felt to the present day. Indeed, with the impact of diseases such as smallpox as McNeil strongly argues, but also the introduction Christianity. Conquistadors, and Cortez in Mexico as a case study show how the crown was able to rule over foreign lands, and introduce an economic policy which allowed Spain to safely extract resources and raw materials from the colonies by exploiting labour by manipulating the existing hierarchical native social structures allowing the conquistadors and the Crown of Spain to control. The aims of conquistadors pose historiographical debates as to their aims; secular or religious. While indeed, Gold and glory, (although mostly silver) lured conquistadors to the new world. One should not dismiss the sincere religious devotion and will of the conquistadors to Christian conversion. Indeed, the crusading spirit of Papal devotion seemly did sweep the new world as conquistadors such as Cortez and the Spanish Crown facilitated a movement towards cultural uniformity over their new American subjects. Indeed, it had been achieved by the inquisition following the Reconquista in the Iberian Peninsula which had driven out Moorish Muslims. Furthermore, however one must recognise secular interests of cultural uniformity in establishing allegiance to a monarch and the conquistador to establish authority and loyalty. But also in the context of the reformation in Northern Europe such devotion to the Papacy had diplomatic perks in securing papal backing of one’s government. It could be argued that the demographic impact of Small Pox as McNeil argued were significant, psychologically in converting natives, who’s God failed to protect them from disease to which the conquistadors’ God seemingly could. But early modern European societies’ devotion to its faith was absolute, and indeed Cortez’s religious devotion to covert the native population and eradicate the old religion was indeed a ‘crusading spirit’ to establish a sacred apostolic community, and indeed the continuation of Christianity and its devotion is one of the longest legacies of the Conquistadors in establishing law and order and facilitating the conversion of Christianity through cultural hybridisation. By transplanting religion and to some extent economic mercantilism and also Spanish law to Spanish colonies and this was achieved through Conquistadors such as Cortez integrating into an existing social structure. If they were able to achieve that, as Cortez did, personal glory and wealth were rewards but also the ability to spread the Gospel of Jesus Christ, the greatest and most honoured deed.

Words: 1549

Bibliography

Primary Sources

A.R, Pagden. Hernán Cortés, Letters from Mexico. (New York: Grossman Publishers, 1971).pp. 207- 333.

G. B, Tindall, & D. E, Shi. America: A Narrative History (Brief Ninth Edition), (New York: W.W.Norton & Company, 2013). p18.

Secondary Sources

J. Descola, The conquistadors. (London: Geroge Allen & Unwin Ltd, 1954). Pp129- 140.

B. Diaz.The Conquest of New Spain. (London: Penguin Books, 1963).pp189- 216.

J.H, Elliott, Imperial Spain, (London: Penguin Books, 2002).  pp53-54

Knight, Mexico: From the Beginning to the Spanish Conquest. (Cambridge: Cambridge University

Press, 2002).  194- 210.

W. H, McNeill. Plagues and Peoples. (London: Penguin Books, 1979). p170

M. Restall.  Severn Myths of the Spanish Conquest. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003). p74.

M, Robinson III, The Spanish Invasion of Mexico 1519–1521. (USA: Ofsprey, 2014), p35.

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[1] The Spanish Invasion of Mexico 1519–1521. p35.

[2] B. Diaz. The Conquest of New Spain, (London: Penguin Books, 1963). p189-216.

[3] W. H, McNeill. Plagues and Peoples. (London: Penguin Books, 1979). p170.

[4]  A.R, Pagden. Hernán Cortés, Letters from Mexico. (New York: Grossman Publishers, 1971). p207

[5] M. Restall.  Severn Myths of the Spanish Conquest. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003). p74.

[6] G. B, Tindall, & D. E, Shi. America: A Narrative History (Brief Ninth Edition), (New York: W.W.Norton & Company, 2013). p18

[7] A.R, Pagden. Hernán Cortés, Letters from Mexico. (New York: Grossman Publishers, 1971). p333

[8] Knight, Mexico: From the Beginning to the Spanish Conquest. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002). p 209.

[9] Knight, Mexico: From the Beginning to the Spanish Conquest. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002).   p210

[10] J.H, Elliott, Imperial Spain, (London: Penguin Books, 2002).  pp53-54

[11] Knight, Mexico: From the Beginning to the Spanish Conquest. (Cambridge: Cambrodge University Press, 2002).  p194

[12] J. Descola, The conquistadors. (London: Geroge Allen & Unwin Ltd, 1954). P129

Assessing the significance of St Luke in the Middle Ages

Assessing the significance of St Luke in the Middle Ages

(Please note that the King James Bible has been used to interpret religious doctrine in this article, but should be noted that this source was translated in 1611 and contemporary scriptures used by the clergy were in Latin).

The cults of Saint Luke the evangelist and Archangel Michael are significant as examples of interpreting the perceived instrumental power and influential power of saints in the middle ages at different levels of medieval society.  Saints are fundamental in leading an apostolic lifestyle, indeed, “For thou art an holy people unto the lord thy God: the Lord thy God hath chosen thee to be a special people unto himself, above all people that are on the face of the earth”. (Deuteronomy 7:6, KJV).[1] Furthermore, Rosenwein argues they provided a model of virtue and performed miraculous works as intercessors on God’s behalf.[2]  Archangel Michael status is founded in his biblical role particularly in Revelations, often depicted as a commander holding a spear, which was used to fight Satan. Conversely Saint Luke is venerated for his authorship of biblical scripture such as ‘The Gospel According to Luke and the ‘Acts of the Apostles,’ the gospel of Luke and Acts make up a two-volume work which scholars call Luke-Acts, jointly accounting  for 27.5% of the New Testament.[3] Both are clear examples of imperative understood virtuous icons of glory venerated throughout the Middle Ages.

 Saints have a significant role in society which included both the living and the dead, as they themselves were “the very special dead”. [4] As a special friend of God and Jesus Christ, Saints had influential and an influential power on a social and political level. The Golden Legend provides a thirteenth century view of the saints. Demonstrating how medieval society marvelled at the perceived strength, wonder and courage of Archangel Michael leading a battalion of angels against Satan. Furthermore, the source also references the hierarchal structure of angels, and how Archangel Michael as an archangel, would be found in the third of the three orders, the Hypophany.[5] Thus demonstrated how hierarchical structures imperative to medieval society and transcended into Christian doctrine and beliefs. Indeed, the Litany of the Saints, show a hierarchy of the saints, to which they were ordered in their relationship to Jesus Christ with Saint Mary as most significant as the mother of God, followed by the angels, prophets, disciples, martyrs, clergy through to the laity.[6] It demonstrates rigid categorization and understands different groups to be more significant than others, indicative of contemporary taste. Therefore,  saint were able to exercise divine power at different levels, making veneration of a particular saint more useful than another, and expected to respond appropriately to the Individuals demands through prayer.

While intercession provides man saints an opportunity to receive veneration, others such as Saint Luke offer alternative methods of communion with Jesus Christ, through authorship of biblical scripture, indeed Luke produced both The Gospel of Luke and Acts of the Apostles. In which Luke was able to provide a testimony of Jesus Christ’s miracles. Luke’s gospel is distinguished for the human attributes given to Jesus. Applauded as the compassionate saviour which Luke expresses Jesus’s undisputed love for all people, reaching out for women, the poor and outcasts in society. This particular emphasis was appealing to a clerical audience due to Jesus’s humanist actions. Furthermore, The Golden Legend recognises Luke’s symbolism through a sacrificial calf because he indulges Christ’s priesthood.[7] It is also important to recognise Luke’s Gospels significance to clergy as both its humanist depiction of Christ, but also the gospel’s anti-Maronite doctrine. Indeed, contemporary fears persisted to which Marcionism could threaten a schism within the Church through to middle ages.[8] This demonstrates how the saint’s attributes prescribed to a particular demographic for veneration, but how saints could be useful to support a particular cause on the wider geo-political sphere.

Saint Michael as an archangel takes an unusual position as, arguably, the most purist and pious genre of saints due to the nature of its sanctity formed in heaven as intercessors on heaven and earth, its significants is perceived to be inimitable through its typology. “Are they not all ministering spirits, sent forth to minister for them who shall be heirs of salvation?” (Hebrews 1: 14, KJV).[9] Indeed, contemporary’s perceived angels to act as spiritual messengers of God in order to guide and protect God’s people and could continue to act as  intercessors in the middle ages as they had done in biblical times.  The absence of a psychical body, or attainable relics left the saint’s cult universally deployable and adaptable to multiple localities. Indeed, Johnson supports that the cult of Saint Michael was the largest in the British Isles after Saint Peter, enjoying its greatest popularity in the Anglo-Norman period.[10] The cult of Saint Michael can certainly be described as universal, which Johnson argues three major Michealine cultic centres; Constantine’s Empire, the Lombards and the Carolingians, appropriated Saint Michael as the commander of the heavenly host in battle, as the patron saint of imperial ambition, to which such legionary appreciations determined characteristics of the archangel through earthly appreciations.[11] Demonstrating how the saint’s cult can extend into legend to which they are venerated as an iconic. Thirteenth century literature such as Gilte Legende,  Saint Michael is praised for his attack against Lucifer and the text encourages people to “make hym her special patron” to be worshiped will “deliuer us, refreyning, in the Apocalips”.[12] This demonstrates the extent to which legend played an important part in how the saint’s cult was perceived as significant through extra-canonical, often legends demonstrate how saints were understood, often inundated by theological misconceptions, which determine the saint’s perceived instrumentality.

During the crusades Saint Luke experienced a sanctified inventio, and was moved from Constantinople to Padua in Italy.  Luke is depicted as with pen in his hand, near an ox, symbolic of Christ’s sacrifice. His body, lied in Abbey of Santa Giustina, and provided a pilgrimage site, demonstrating how Luke’s cult had been translated to Italy and extended to western Christendom. Thus providing physical relics for devotion which could be disseminated and act as a vector for miraculous functions. Geary argues the significance of relics as a symbolic value to when illiterate society could appreciate with substantial local irregularity in veneration; as it was impossible to steal a relics old function in its original locality, of new appreciation for a saint had to come from “extraneous symbols induced along with the relics”.[13] Indeed, the devotion to a particular saint so some extent depended on the understood religiosity of audience’s perception of the saint’s power attained through cultic devotion. The extent to which saint’s experience of furta sacra was seemingly widespread in response to post-Carolingian Europe which needed to look to local saints for authority and order as competing nobilities feuded against one another and weakened political and cultural horizons. Geary argues this provided the conditions to allow a pan-European phenomena of  saint’s cults throughout western Christendom, facilitated by papal insistence on Saint Peter’s successor’s dignity,  and the increasing prominence of the ‘cult of Christ’ celebrated through the Eucharist; which was further expanded in the eleventh and twelfth centuries through expansion of commercial activities.[14] The translation of saint’s from east to west is indicative of a cultural shift of Christian authority from east to west, which a saint’s cult expanded through access to relics which provided Western Christendom with a saint’s attributes they could model their worship.

Thus it would seem devotion to saint could be rejected without a relic or to which a shrine could deploy the cult. However, Saint Michael’s locality remains in heaven which thus gives Michael the opportunity to become a universal by not being limited to a locality to which his relics must be acquired. Johnson argues that the archangel’s ‘asomatic limitations’ restricted Archangels to possess a hagiographic dossier resting on graphic descriptions of saints founded on legends.[15] However, some material relics were veneration, indeed Mont Saint Michael in Normandy claimed to possess Saint Michael’s sword and shield, and this demonstrates how a saint’s narrative could be manipulated, possibly to legitimize the monastic site as a pilgrimage center, central to economic motivation.

Overall, hierarchy is central to the saints, as was necessary to apply hierarchical relations to the divine as conceivable to society which depended upon hierarchal relations through tight social orders in order to recreate a power structure of the celestial which could then transfer their perceived power though intercession on earth. The attraction of a particular devotion to a saint can be seen through the imitability and inimitability of a saint which often correlates to the power of a saint and the charisma of the saint generated through their legend. Relics can then be used as physical entities as instruments of veneration in exchange for divine intercession. Saints acted as both pious models of Christian virtue and powerful intercessors ordained to perform miracles and understood to be active. Saints demonstrate how medieval society saw itself, to which aspired and it modelled itself. Saint’s interact within a power structure to which power was understood to disseminate from an omnipotent and omnipresent God, to which Saints acted within a co-ordinated system of hierarchy and obedience to which mirrored society in western Christendom. Saints provided intercession for their veneration as well as a module of virtue like Christ. They play a small part in the wider cult of Christianity. They demonstrate how individual virtuous choices, to which medieval society can imitate respected methods demonstrated through the typology such as virginity, confession, evangelism or Martyrdom. Qualities appreciated by a waring society that understood chivalry and faith to be aspirational. Therefore saints stood as contrary of the Devil who anticipates sinfulness of humanity, which is understood to be as much preordained in real life as in biblical scripture, ever since Eve picked the apple from the tree of knowledge in genesis.

Therefore, it is the prevalence of sin within medieval society presences saints as idealistic, whom lived a sinless life, avoided purgatory, and immediately join Jesus in heaven as a special friend of God.  This understanding of a saint therefore made veneration of one important as they could assist an individual on earth to perform a miracles in order to pass the gates of heaven. A society which established the saint’s power in the divine therefore automatically had established the saint’s power on earth. This allowed them to become social and political instruments in a society which believed earthy relics could enhance the closeness between saints; which in turn brought them closer to Jesus as a ‘mutual friend’. The closeness of the saint to Jesus, determined his power in both heaven and earth. With the prospect of those who venerated expecting successful and frequent intercession and expecting to increase their prospects of reducing their time in purgatory. Saint Michael, as an archangel, his power is not contested and we see his understood power on the hierarchy through the Liturgy of Saints as testimony to his perceived power, in comparison to Saint Luke. Therefore Archangel Michael’ veneration is experienced in through understanding his closeness to God as a heavenly divine creation. Therefore it is not surprising that physical relics of the Archangel have been found in Mont Saint Michael for example even though they theologically cannot exist on earth; to provide useful tools in harnessing the Saints power for political and personal needs. This supports the notion that powerful saint’s veneration and cult was in response to a violent post Carolingian world which power and authority were less certain, intrinsic to a society which relied on power relations.

Word Count: 1928.

Bibliography

Primary Sources

Books:

R. Carroll & Stephen Prickett, The Bible: Authorized King James Version, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997).

W. G, Ryan (Translator), Jacobus de Voragine, The Golden Legend, (Princeton, New Jersey, 1993).

R. Hamer, Gilte Legende, (Oxford: Oxford University Press and Society, 2012).

Websites:

W. Fitzgerald & O. Praem. The Litany of Saints in the Liturgy, http://www.adoremus.org/1108LitanyofSaints.html, (accessed 30 November 2015).

Secondary Sources

Books:

B. H. Rosenwein, 3^rd Ed, A Short History of the Middle Ages, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2009). p31.

E. M, Boring. An Introduction to the New Testament: History, Literature, Theology. (Westminster: John Knox Press, 2012).

S. Ozment, Age of Reform, 1250-1500, (USA: Yale University Press, 1980).

R. F, Johnson. Saint Michael The Archangel In Medieval English Legend.( Woodbridge:  Boydell Press, 2005).

J. Adair, The Pilgrims’ Way: Shrines and Saints in Britain and Ireland, (Hamshire: Thames and Hudon, 1978).

P. Brown. The Cult of Saints, (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1981).

P. J, Geary, Furta Sacra. (New Jersey: Princeton University Press).

S. Farmer & B. H. Rosenwein. Monks and Nuns, Saints and Outcasts, Religion in Medieval Society: Essays in Honor of Lester K. Little. (USA: Cornell University Press, 2000).

J. H. Lynch & P. C. Adams, 2^nd Ed, The Medieval Church: A brief history. (Abingdon: Routledge, 2014).

G. Tellenbach, The Church in Western Europe from the Tenth to the early Twelfth Century, (Cambridge: Cambridge Univerity Press, 1993).

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[1] R. Carroll & Stephen Prickett, The Bible: Authorized King James Version, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997). Deuteronomy 7:6.

[2] B. H. Rosenwin, 3^rd Ed, A Short History of the Middle Ages, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2009). p31.

[3] E. M, Boring. An Introduction to the New Testament: History, Literature, Theology. (Westminster: John Knox Press, 2012). p556.

[4] P. Brown. The Cult of Saints: The Rise and function of Saints in Latin Christianity. (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2009). p69.

[5] W. G, Ryan (Translator), Jacobus de Voragine, The golden Legend, (Princeton, New Jersey, 1993). pp201-211.

[6] W. Fitzgerald & O. Praem. The Litany of Saints in the Liturgy, http://www.adoremus.org/1108LitanyofSaints.html, (accessed 30 November 2015).

[7] W. G, Ryan (Translator), Jacobus de Voragine, The golden Legend, (Princeton, New Jersey, 1993). p248.

[8] S. Ozment, Age of Reform, 1250-1500, (USA: Yale University Press, 1980). P65.

[9] R. Carroll & Stephen Prickett, The Bible: Authorized King James Version, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997).  Hebrews 1: 14.

[10] R. F, Johnson. Saint Michael The Archangel In Medieval English Legend.( Woodbridge:  Boydell Press, 2005). p32.

[11]R. F, Johnson. Saint Michael The Archangel In Medieval English Legend.( Woodbridge:  Boydell Press, 2005). p106.

[12] R. Hamer, Gilte Legende, (Oxford: Oxford University Press and Society, 2012). pp368-371.

[13] P. J, Geary, Furta Sacra. (New Jersey: Princeton University Press).P 7

[14] P. J, Geary, Furta Sacra. (New Jersey: Princeton University Press). p24-25.

[15] R. F, Johnson. Saint Michael The Archangel In Medieval English Legend.( Woodbridge:  Boydell Press, 2005). p4.

What can the Gascon Rolls tell us about England's economic partnership with Gascony?

The Gascon rolls provide a record of land grants and privileges, oaths, land income and rent as well as political treaties. I decided to home in on two consecutive rolls and use it to study Gascon society in lot of different ways. The rolls I looked at are both in Henry V’s reign, written after the English victory in Agincourt in October 1415 and before treaty of Troyes in 1420. Back in 1369 the peace of Brétigny broke down and under the leadership of Charles V and the French succeeded in gaining a large part of Gascony.

However under Henry V, there is significant English expansion in the North of France. Following the battle of Agincourt in 1415, the English expanded in the north of France, climaxing with the fall of Rouen in January 1419. Politically French factionalism from September 1419 following the Duke of Burgundy’s assassination by the Armagnac follower of the dauphin Charles, causing the Burgundian heir Philip to ally with the English.  Bringing an end to the military campaign-  and its agreed  that the Charles VI’s daughter Catherine was to marry Henry V who would then act as regent for Charles, as well as ensuring any male heir’s he produced were to be the king of France.

When our section of the roll written in 1416-19, with the conflict taking place in northern France one would expect minimal influence on Gascony economy. Of course one should note, as Griffith has said, Gascony was significant for its large wine growing provinces and exports to the English gentry. In my period Gascon trade remained relatively unaffected from the war in the sense that French foreign policy was primarily concerned with defending its northern boarder, but the hundred years wars legacy saw this decrease and eventually disappear.  But the roll shows us 20 quarters of wheat and 20 quarters of peas had been exported from the port of London which shows us how there was a significant sophisticated mercantile networks of  livery companies in London comprised  of trade associations and guilds trading significant quantities of profitable commodities- in this case wheat.

In return for the wheat and other commodities, Gascony exported wine, of which’s economic value was boosted by the absence of royal customs and duty implemented upon it since 1289 which grants Bordeaux wine. Here Henry V is asking the monks at the hospital to inspect the chancery rolls to ensure assess this privilege. This shows us not only the extent to which monks held administrative roles in the middle ages, but also how the king wished to study the taxation of Bordeaux’s wine as a useful revenue to fund the war, as the king exploits his hegemony in the region.  And of course, he is looking for alternative ways to raise funds for the war without taxing the English laity as had proved unsuccessful in the 1380s.  During the hundred years war the wine trade with Gascony fell by half and eventually disappeared, so it’s no surprise the king is reassessing privileges which appear less politically beneficial. And this had a negative impact on the strength of English guilds and we see a decline in the Baltic as well as the Gascon trade, so there is a decrease in consumption of furs and wine by the English gentry and nobility during the 15th century.

In our period  under henry V commodities such wool, cloth and fish were exported to Gascony which benefitted from the wine trade. The benefits given to Bordeaux, as wine outside couldn’t be imported in to Bordeaux after Christmas, are indicative of pan European trends of how the institutions such as the English Parliament and the Parliament of Paris expanded  their responsibilities in return for more taxation. Protectionist policies on Bordeux wine are what can be seen as output legitimacy as laws are now benefiting the landholding people (who hold power through land or money- so I believe merchants too as landed wealth is translated into precious metal coinage).- We have a positive feedback mechanism through these institutions implementing polices and give privileges which benefit there economic interest. So the lords exploit the servitude of the peasantry to produce commodities to generate capital which can be sold to lords and merchants, and land can be brought back from the king- who conquers land which can be sold to people with money. So it could be argued it is an English mercantile economic expansion which fuels the war.

Loyalty and homage were contracts of trust which medieval society perceived to be sacred, as the lord would kneel before the king symbolically representing servitude.  In this we see a relationship of power in which a Gascon lord, Veguier Amaniu Béguey who pays homage and service to the king (Henry V). This power relationship is indicative of medieval society which some historians may identify as feudal social and economic structure, as indeed we see a promise of military service and loyalty in return for land. However some historians have disputed the term feudal age to describe the later Middle Ages such as  Villalon  and Kagay, on the grounds that in the hundred years war, English troops were paid and not voluntary as they theoretically should be under feudal set up. So instead the Gascon lord Veguier Amaniu Béguey  would be taxed on his wine to pay for the kings army.

Building on the notion of feudalism can we conceive social mobility. I came across the death of Thomas Swinburne death in 1411 was noted in the Gascon rolls, and decided to do some research on him. I found he was a significant Individual and demonstrates social mobility- he worked his way up to  important offices , starting as a Castle warden in his early career, he became an  Envoy negotiating a treaty with France in 1403,  mayor of Bordeaux and most recently Captain of Fronsac Castle. His loss was significant due to his versatility as militarily and diplomatically. The rolls order the correct execution of his previous obligations, finances and duties to find a replacement. – So they want someone highly skilled to replace him more than just from a privileged background. Furthermore, it lists the rents, services, rights, franchises, privileges and duties return to the hands of the king and, which I believe is significant as it shows the increasing royal power and authority, as the king would be able to distribute such privileges and offices to whoever he favoured.

So on the surface the rolls list formal understandings and agreements. But there is a deeper discourse in the rolls.  I feel that yes it shows a trade relationship, and a we can also read a social history, understanding the notion of chivalry, loyalty and homage- and understand where power lies and is vested, and who is the policy implemented really benefiting through this discourse between the monarch and the nobility, and this is indicative of the context of the time. To which reoccurs, as it was in 1369 when the Gascon lords appealed to the French parliament against high taxes, to which led the French king to revoked English ownership of Gascony. And it is this theme of power vested through land and money which is reflected through the roles which become particularly visible when vacuums need to be filled.