Does gender explain anything about mysticism and the expression of piety?

Does gender explain anything about mysticism and the expression of piety?

The explosion of mysticism in the late fourteenth and fifteen centuries shows us how mysticism could be utilised to empower an individual through investment in one’s religiosity. The fifteenth century is often tarnished as a period of reclamation by orthodox historiography. Indeed, Johnson titles his study of it, ‘the Age of Recovery’, in which it was a period devastated by pestilence and ceaseless warfare in Europe which ha lead to rapid social and economic destruction.[1] In the west the centralised bureaucratic royal governments were now able to “subject the nobility, control the clergy and create new fiscal administration”.[2] Which contrasted against the rigid three order ‘feudal age’ as historians such as Sidney Painter’s, The Rise of Feudal Monarchies depicts. Although there are problems with this notion, if one is to grant the traditional historiography as accurate; then the rise of mysticism and piety may be more a response of ‘class’ or social status than gender which had awakened an exposure to spirituality as the dissolution of three orders opened up spirituality beyond the clergy. However, mysticism is traditionally seen as feminine approach to spirituality by most historiography. Women saw mysticism as a means to liberate themselves through constructing an “autobiographical accounts of visionary experiences of Christ”; exploiting the process of the democratization of religion ongoing since the late thirteenth century to access a culture previously reserved to the liturgical life of monastic communities .[3] Therefore, it could be argued that ‘new mysticism’ through the democratization of religion was equally a useful means to empower oneself in an age which experienced the formation of an increasingly complex hierarchical social structure as a consequence of the decline of the feudal structure.

Gender roles are constructed throughout the bible, beginning in Genesis as soon as Eve was created from Adam’s rib and condemned for her seduction by the serpent with painful child birth and Adam sentenced to till the soil.[4] The gender roles conceptualise gender roles and prescribe separate expectations and thus piety of men and women. Piety was consumed through biblical and hagiographic representations though characterisations alongside moral narratives. Hagiography, more so than biblical scripture, presents a typology of saints to which holy women are almost exclusively Virgins and models of chastity as members of "that timorous and pious sex”.[5] What is significant is the growth in the later Middle Ages pan-European development of the cult of Mary which simultaneously expanded in conjunction with mysticism. In 431 the Council of Ephesus sanctioned the cult of Virgin as Mother of God, as Christ was revered for his passion which led to his eventual crucifixion, Mary became associated with compassion.[6] The softer female role of righteousness and good will can be consolidated through scripture. However, one must be careful to avoid a post-reformation teleological lens seeking a sola scriptura theological persuasion.  Swanton states that the “Instruction in the details of the faith was chiefly received from priests, either through a detailed syllabus of points which had to be covered, or through discussion of particular aspects via sermons.”[7] Rice argues that the laity looked to religious professionals as models of religious discipline that may eventually lead to perfection.[8] Suggesting that a post-pestilence society whose experience of death was incessant; people actively seeked piety which provides a market for mysticism.

Mysticism can be categorised into affective or speculative; which only be elusively defined depending on how the mystic engages with their experience philosophical. Historians such as Windeatt suggest that mysticism was more than a late medieval which helped endorse contemplative pious saints; but a production of literature contemplate life empowering the vernacular tongue to deliver God’s love and channel and strengthen  the reader’s faith.[9] Margery Kempe records her literal-minded visions in the vernacular, and published them to a wide intellectual  readership. Bell notes this as significant, and reflects the inferior social status of women whom were excluded from knowledge and the ‘the company of scholars; Bell recognises the production of vernacular religious texts as agents of a gradual and revolutionary cultural change.[10] In essence, it was such texts which allowed women to actively engage with the ‘company of scholars’ to which they could participate in the philosophical understanding of the world. As a women, Margery Kemp’s first visionary experience of Christ was during her first child birth; and other visions and mystical experiences were dictated, and published in the Book of Margery Kempe as she herself was not literate.[11] Her visons detail social construction’s and gender roles which allow one to socially examine societies perceptions of gender though spiritual experiences; and how through it how piety was constructed. Margery’s visions depict a forgiving Jesus reiterating the New Testament’s characteristics of God and provide the reader with a cause for hope in their own lives. Significantly, Jesus constituently refers to her as ‘Daughter;’ and commends her obedience and works of good works of charity and her penance, by weeping for her own sins as had Mary in anguish for Christ’s ‘bitter passion’. [12] What is significant is how Christ uses as a role model for Margery and medieval women, which perhaps reinforces the wider contextual popularity of the Virgin’s cult prior to the reformation.

As a man, Walter Hilton’s perspective on mysticism differs as one would expect, as of course it would be assumed he was able to interact with the ‘company of Scholars’.  Swanton argues one of his aims was to distinguish between an active and contemplative lives; in which an active life detracted from ones spiritual fulfilment in which a ‘contemplative’ life could achieve.[13]  This is significant as Hilton offers philosophical approach in which an individual relationship could be created and is worthy of more than appreciation; it is to be engaged with and understood and could be measured through ‘degrees of contemplation’. “The third degree of contemplation consists of both knowledge and love; in knowing God and the perfect love of Him.”[14] Such literature demonstrates the contemplation of societies concerns of how to invest in their spirituality, as indeed there was a demand for a physical approach from the readership.  Walter Hilton promotes such investment though exploring religiosity as a means to truly forge an individual relationship with God. Margery Kemp was able to fulfil this by pilgrimage and weekly communion. However, the hierarchical nature of degrees of contemplation perhaps tells us more about ‘class’ than they do gender. Through having the resources, money and most of all, time. Can one truly invest in their spirituality though acknowledging a hierarchical elevation of contemplation provides a platform to criticise the religiosity of others accordingly to a hierarchical descent of empowerment through spirituality. Indeed, one should emphasise with the theological perception of death; and how eternal life through the entity of purgatory in which one graduates to Heaven thus could maintain their power.  The term ‘class’ is used tentatively to describe a pre-industrialist era; class serves a Marxist sense to divide between the workers and the bourgeois while recognising an increasingly layered society in which ‘three orders’ is none applicable. Those whom held wealth, which could be transferred though a mercantile economic system present in the later middle ages. Thus wealth became more fluid and investable, and indeed one could more easily invest wealth, time and labour into a spiritual and mystical experiences. And indeed, pubications such as the Book of the Craft of Dying. This book suggest that a man who lives a pious life “in keeping with the commandments of God” may ascend to Heaven.[15] Significantly the book details “The Orisons and prayers that ought to be said upon the sick person in the article of death”.[16] In a helpless world, understood to be evil in character, prayer can be seen a form of empowerment, and by living a pious life, one can hope to expect eternal perdurable joy with the saints. And perhaps it would seem that mysticism and piety requires a level of investment limited to class not gender.

Richard Rolle is significant, as he too provides emotive mysticism often associated with an effeminate style of writing, as seen along with Margery Kempe’s as indeed emotive, and contrast to the hypothetical and pragmatic attitude of that of Hilton and to a lesser extent The Cloud author. Unlike Margery he writes in the vernacular, and his livelihood as a hermit is perhaps more comparable to Julian of Norwich. Watson accredits Rolles work as significant as it establishes  his own spiritual authority, and inspired other mystic works.[17] Like Margery Kempe who urges caution of the Holy Spirt, which is only apprehended when transformed into a dove.[18] Rolle uses fear to inspire doubt in one’s complacency to who expect salvation arguing “I have faith, I am baptized, I worship one God, I do not adore idols: how then can I be damned?”[19] Rolle questions the legitimacy f salvation without living a contemplative lifestyle and forging a truly individual relationship with God and conveys it directing it at the reader personally drawing on emotive themes.This genre of mysticism is often seen as effeminate, but actually it may be a product of his socio-economic status, in which the hermit lifestyle as an outsider of the ‘three orders’, Rolle’s back ground and mysticism produced may well be a product of society as much as women’s were. A lower social position on this earth prephaps inspired a need for spiritual fulfilment and thus power in which they do not  receive from mainstream society in which they interact.

Mysticism and personal experiences with Him are liberating. The author of The Cloud of Unknowing suggests poignantly “In the twinkling of an eye Heaven may be won or lost”.[20] This draws emphasis on the importance of visons which are believed to be intentional and divine in nature. The first half of the cloud questions the notion of the contemplative soul, in which the ‘unknowing cloud’ is separated from God by the ‘cloud of forgetting’ which attempts to suppress recollection and thought and wisdom of the cloud collected from scripture.[21]  One of the key themes of mystic literature is love. Hilton identifies the second degree of contemplation as “principally the act of love” devoted to Jesus, and can be taken to a ‘higher stage’ through remembrance of such love through spiritual acts like prayers and devotion through the rosary.[22] Significantly Swanton recognises the development of the Rosary as a fundamental spiritual exercise in which assisted spiritual focus.[23] The cloud reinforces the love of Jesus, “Love Jesus, and everything he has in yours. Because he is God, he is maker and giver of time. Because he is man, he has given true heed to time… Unite yourself to him by love and trust, and by that union you will be joined both to him”.[24] Clearly here, there is an explicit demand from the author that one obeys God and Man. This serves to reinforce patriarchy existent in society as it gives this sense that a man’s love is infinite, as is Jesus’. This contrasts with the love women can offer to who must model chastity and are valued for virginity. But it also suggests that the intimacy of God’s love is accessible and liberating though his manufactured experiences.

Overall, piety and mysticism provided a means for individuals to channel their religiosity and liberate themselves from domestic constraints of society. However, it is not surprising that such enthusiasm was driven through women. But one should note the social position of those women and ‘class’ as significant. And indeed, when we look at the cloud of unknowing, the absence of a gender and epicene nature of the writing allows one to extend beyond the gender binaries limits and explore other contributions particularly class. Indeed, women were able to channel spiritual fulfilment and energy which perhaps they could not attain from their own lives; but this was not attainable to just women, as men too engaged in this. Mysticism offered hope though the spiritual world to replace and distract from the secular frustrations, but also gain recognition though such ‘autobiographical accounts of visionary experiences’ with Christ; which a frustrated class were able to express their appreciation for Christ’s passion though mystic literature. In a world ravished by death, hunger and pestilence as older historiography suggests; one should not be surprised that such a class or people exploited the democratization of Christianity, which allowed them to absorb some power previously retained by the clergy. And the fourteenth centuries depleted stock of competent and highly trained clergy were unable to successfully oppose the challenge mystics presented.

Bibliography

Primary sources

C.Wolters,  The Cloud of unknowing and other works. (London: Penguin Books,1978).

M. Kempe, The Book of Margery Kempe, (London: Penguin Publications, 1985).

W. Hilton, [Translated by L. Sherley-Price], The ladder of perfection. (London: Penguin Books, 1957).

W.Caxton, H. Seuse, Comper, M.M, Frances, G. Congreve, The Book of theCraft of Dying, and other early English tracts concerning death. (London: Longmans, 1917).

R. Rolle, Judica Me in N. Watson. Richard Rolle and the Invention of Authority. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1991).

Secondary Sources:

B. Windeatt, English Mystics of the middle Ages, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994).

B.Mcgin, 'The changing shape of late medieval mysticism'. Church History. Vol 65, Iss 2, p197-220.

J. Johnson. and W.Percy,. . The Age of Recovery. (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1970).

N. Rice. Lay piety and religious discipline in Middle English literature. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008).

P. Brown. The Cult of Saints: The Rise and function of Saints in Latin Christianity. (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2009).

R. Carroll & Stephen Prickett, The Bible: Authorized King James Version, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997).

R. N. Swanson, Catholic England: Faith, Religion and Observance before the Reformation, (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1993).

N. Watson. Richard Rolle and the Invention of Authority. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1991).

S. Bell. (1982). ‘Medieval Women Book Owners: Arbiters of Lay Piety and Ambassadors of Culture’. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, Vol 7 Iss 4,p p.742-768.

www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd_virg.htm (Accessed: 3/05/2016)

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[1] J. Johnson. and W.Percy,. . The Age of Recovery. (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1970),pp1-15.

[2]  J. Johnson. and W.Percy,. . The Age of Recovery. (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1970),pp50-51

[3] B.Mcgin, 'The changing shape of late medieval mysticism'. Church History. Vol 65, Iss 2, p197-220.

[4] R. Carroll & Stephen Prickett, The Bible: Authorized King James Version, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997). Genesis 3,1-16

[5] P. Brown. The Cult of Saints: The Rise and function of Saints in Latin Christianity. (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2009). P28.

[6] www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd_virg.htm (Accessed: 3/05/2016)

[7] R. N. Swanson, Catholic England: Faith, Religion and Observance before the Reformation, (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1993), p51.

[8] N. Rice. Lay piety and religious discipline in Middle English literature. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), pp1-3.

[9] B. Windeatt, English Mystics of the Middle Ages, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p1.

[10] S. Bell. (1982). Medieval Women Book Owners: Arbiters of Lay Piety and Ambassadors of Culture. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 7(4), p.742-743.

[11] B. Windeatt, English Mystics of the Middle Ages, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994),  p227

[12] M. Kempe, The Book of Margery Kempe, (London: Penguin Publications, 1985), p198.

[13] R. N. Swanson, Catholic England: Faith, Religion and Observance before the Reformation, (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1993), p18.

[14] W. Hilton, [Translated by L. Sherley-Price], The ladder of perfection. (London: Penguin Books, 1957).  p11

[15] W.Caxton, H. Seuse, Comper, M.M, Frances, G. Congreve, The book of the craft of dying, and other early English tracts concerning death. (London: Longmans, 1917). p55

[16] W.Caxton, H. Seuse, Comper, M.M, Frances, G. Congreve, The book of the craft of dying, and other early English tracts concerning death. (London: Longmans, 1917). p79

[17] N. Watson. Richard Rolle and the Invention of Authority. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1991).

[18] M. Kempe, The Book of Margery Kempe, (London: Penguin Publications, 1985), p127.

[19] R. Rolle, Judica Me in N. Watson. Richard Rolle and the Invention of Authority. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1991).p78

[20] C. Wolters.  The Cloud of unknowing and other works. (London: Penguin Books,1978). p64

[21] B. Windeatt, English Mystics of the middle Ages, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p68

[22] W. Hilton, [Translated by L. Sherley-Price], The ladder of perfection. (London: Penguin Books, 1957). p8

[23] R. N. Swanson, Catholic England: Faith, Religion and Observance before the Reformation, (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1993), p20

[24] C.Wolters.  The Cloud of unknowing and other works. (London: Penguin Books,1978). p64