Does gender explain anything about mysticism and the expression of piety?
The explosion of mysticism in the late fourteenth and fifteen
centuries shows us how mysticism could be utilised to empower an individual
through investment in one’s religiosity. The fifteenth century is often
tarnished as a period of reclamation by orthodox historiography. Indeed, Johnson
titles his study of it, ‘the Age of Recovery’, in which it was a period
devastated by pestilence and ceaseless warfare in Europe which ha lead to rapid
social and economic destruction.[1]
In the west the centralised bureaucratic royal governments were now able to
“subject the nobility, control the clergy and create new fiscal
administration”.[2]
Which contrasted against the rigid three
order ‘feudal age’ as historians such as Sidney Painter’s, The Rise of Feudal Monarchies depicts.
Although there are problems with this notion, if one is to grant the
traditional historiography as accurate; then the rise of mysticism and piety
may be more a response of ‘class’ or social status than gender which had
awakened an exposure to spirituality as the dissolution of three orders opened
up spirituality beyond the clergy. However, mysticism is traditionally seen as
feminine approach to spirituality by most historiography. Women saw mysticism as
a means to liberate themselves through constructing an “autobiographical
accounts of visionary experiences of Christ”; exploiting the process of the democratization
of religion ongoing since the late thirteenth century to access a culture
previously reserved to the liturgical life of monastic communities .[3]
Therefore, it could be argued that ‘new mysticism’ through the democratization
of religion was equally a useful means to empower oneself in an age which
experienced the formation of an increasingly complex hierarchical social
structure as a consequence of the decline of the feudal structure.
Gender roles are constructed throughout the bible, beginning in
Genesis as soon as Eve was created from Adam’s rib and condemned for her
seduction by the serpent with painful child birth and Adam sentenced to till
the soil.[4]
The gender roles conceptualise gender roles and prescribe separate expectations
and thus piety of men and women. Piety was consumed through biblical and
hagiographic representations though characterisations alongside moral
narratives. Hagiography, more so than biblical scripture, presents a typology
of saints to which holy women are almost exclusively Virgins and models of
chastity as
members of "that timorous and pious sex”.[5]
What is significant is the growth in the later Middle Ages pan-European
development of the cult of Mary which simultaneously expanded in conjunction
with mysticism. In 431 the Council of Ephesus sanctioned the cult of Virgin as
Mother of God, as Christ was revered for his passion which led to his eventual
crucifixion, Mary became associated with compassion.[6]
The softer female role of righteousness and good will can be consolidated
through scripture. However, one must be careful to avoid a post-reformation
teleological lens seeking a sola
scriptura theological persuasion. Swanton
states that the “Instruction in the details of the faith was chiefly received
from priests, either through a detailed syllabus of points which had to be
covered, or through discussion of particular aspects via sermons.”[7]
Rice argues that the laity looked to religious professionals as models of religious
discipline that may eventually lead to perfection.[8]
Suggesting that a post-pestilence society whose experience of death was
incessant; people actively seeked piety which provides a market for mysticism.
Mysticism can be categorised into affective or speculative; which only
be elusively defined depending on how the mystic engages with their experience philosophical.
Historians such as Windeatt suggest that mysticism was more than a late
medieval which helped endorse contemplative pious saints; but a production of
literature contemplate life empowering the vernacular tongue to deliver God’s
love and channel and strengthen the
reader’s faith.[9]
Margery Kempe records her literal-minded visions in the vernacular, and
published them to a wide intellectual readership. Bell notes this as significant,
and reflects the inferior social status of women whom were excluded from knowledge
and the ‘the company of scholars; Bell recognises the production of vernacular
religious texts as agents of a gradual and revolutionary cultural change.[10]
In essence, it was such texts which allowed women to actively engage with the
‘company of scholars’ to which they could participate in the philosophical
understanding of the world. As a women, Margery Kemp’s first visionary experience
of Christ was during her first child birth; and other visions and mystical experiences
were dictated, and published in the Book
of Margery Kempe as she herself was not literate.[11]
Her visons detail social construction’s and gender roles which allow one to
socially examine societies perceptions of gender though spiritual experiences;
and how through it how piety was constructed. Margery’s visions depict a
forgiving Jesus reiterating the New Testament’s characteristics of God and
provide the reader with a cause for hope in their own lives. Significantly,
Jesus constituently refers to her as ‘Daughter;’ and commends her obedience and
works of good works of charity and her penance, by weeping for her own sins as
had Mary in anguish for Christ’s ‘bitter passion’. [12]
What is significant is how Christ uses as a role model for Margery and medieval
women, which perhaps reinforces the wider contextual popularity of the Virgin’s
cult prior to the reformation.
As a man, Walter Hilton’s perspective on mysticism differs as one
would expect, as of course it would be assumed he was able to interact with the
‘company of Scholars’. Swanton argues
one of his aims was to distinguish between an active and contemplative
lives; in which an active life detracted from ones spiritual fulfilment in
which a ‘contemplative’ life could achieve.[13]
This is significant as Hilton offers
philosophical approach in which an individual
relationship could be created and is worthy of more than appreciation; it is to
be engaged with and understood and could be measured through ‘degrees of
contemplation’. “The third degree of contemplation consists of both knowledge
and love; in knowing God and the perfect love of Him.”[14]
Such literature demonstrates the contemplation of societies concerns of how to
invest in their spirituality, as indeed there was a demand for a physical
approach from the readership. Walter
Hilton promotes such investment though exploring religiosity as a means to
truly forge an individual relationship with God. Margery Kemp was able to
fulfil this by pilgrimage and weekly communion. However, the hierarchical
nature of degrees of contemplation perhaps tells us more about ‘class’ than they do gender. Through having
the resources, money and most of all, time. Can one truly invest in their
spirituality though acknowledging a hierarchical elevation of contemplation
provides a platform to criticise the religiosity of others accordingly to a
hierarchical descent of empowerment through spirituality. Indeed, one should
emphasise with the theological perception of death; and how eternal life through
the entity of purgatory in which one graduates to Heaven thus could maintain
their power. The term ‘class’ is used tentatively
to describe a pre-industrialist era; class serves a Marxist sense to divide between
the workers and the bourgeois while recognising an
increasingly layered society in which ‘three
orders’ is none applicable. Those whom held wealth, which could be
transferred though a mercantile economic system present in the later middle
ages. Thus wealth became more fluid and investable, and indeed one could more
easily invest wealth, time and labour into a spiritual and mystical experiences.
And indeed, pubications such as the Book
of the Craft of Dying. This book suggest that a man who lives a pious life
“in keeping with the commandments of God” may ascend to Heaven.[15]
Significantly the book details “The Orisons and prayers that ought to be said
upon the sick person in the article of death”.[16]
In a helpless world, understood to be evil in character, prayer can be seen a
form of empowerment, and by living a pious life, one can hope to expect eternal
perdurable joy with the saints. And perhaps it would seem that mysticism and
piety requires a level of investment limited to class not gender.
Richard Rolle is significant, as he too provides emotive mysticism
often associated with an effeminate style of writing, as seen along with
Margery Kempe’s as indeed emotive, and contrast to the hypothetical and
pragmatic attitude of that of Hilton and to a lesser extent The Cloud author. Unlike Margery he
writes in the vernacular, and his livelihood as a hermit is perhaps more
comparable to Julian of Norwich. Watson accredits Rolles work as significant as
it establishes his own spiritual
authority, and inspired other mystic works.[17]
Like Margery Kempe who urges caution of the Holy Spirt, which is only
apprehended when transformed into a dove.[18]
Rolle uses fear to inspire doubt in one’s complacency to who expect salvation
arguing “I
have faith, I am baptized, I worship one God, I do not adore idols: how then
can I be damned?”[19]
Rolle questions the legitimacy f salvation without living a contemplative
lifestyle and forging a truly individual relationship with God and conveys it
directing it at the reader personally drawing on emotive themes.This genre of
mysticism is often seen as effeminate, but actually it may be a product of his
socio-economic status, in which the hermit lifestyle as an outsider of the
‘three orders’, Rolle’s back ground and mysticism produced may well be a
product of society as much as women’s were. A lower social position on this
earth prephaps inspired a need for spiritual fulfilment and thus power in which
they do not receive from mainstream
society in which they interact.
Mysticism and personal experiences with Him are liberating. The
author of The Cloud of Unknowing suggests
poignantly “In the twinkling of an eye Heaven may be won or lost”.[20]
This draws emphasis on the importance of visons which are believed to be
intentional and divine in nature. The first half of the cloud questions the
notion of the contemplative soul, in which the ‘unknowing cloud’ is separated
from God by the ‘cloud of forgetting’ which attempts to suppress recollection
and thought and wisdom of the cloud collected from scripture.[21] One of the key themes of mystic literature is
love. Hilton identifies the second degree of contemplation as “principally the
act of love” devoted to Jesus, and can be taken to a ‘higher stage’ through remembrance
of such love through spiritual acts like prayers and devotion through the rosary.[22]
Significantly Swanton recognises the development of the Rosary as a fundamental
spiritual exercise in which assisted spiritual focus.[23]
The cloud reinforces the love of Jesus, “Love Jesus, and everything he has in
yours. Because he is God, he is maker and giver of time. Because he is man, he
has given true heed to time… Unite yourself to him by love and trust, and by
that union you will be joined both to him”.[24]
Clearly here, there is an explicit demand from the author that one obeys God
and Man. This serves to reinforce patriarchy existent in society as it gives
this sense that a man’s love is infinite, as is Jesus’. This contrasts with the
love women can offer to who must model chastity and are valued for virginity. But
it also suggests that the intimacy of God’s love is accessible and liberating though
his manufactured experiences.
Overall, piety and mysticism provided a means for individuals to
channel their religiosity and liberate themselves from domestic constraints of
society. However, it is not surprising that such enthusiasm was driven through
women. But one should note the social position of those women and ‘class’ as
significant. And indeed, when we look at the cloud of unknowing, the absence of
a gender and epicene nature of the writing allows one to extend beyond the
gender binaries limits and explore other contributions particularly class. Indeed,
women were able to channel spiritual fulfilment and energy which perhaps they
could not attain from their own lives; but this was not attainable to just women,
as men too engaged in this. Mysticism offered hope though the spiritual world
to replace and distract from the secular frustrations, but also gain
recognition though such ‘autobiographical accounts of visionary experiences’
with Christ; which a frustrated class
were able to express their appreciation for Christ’s passion though mystic
literature. In a world ravished by death, hunger and pestilence as older historiography
suggests; one should not be surprised that such a class or people exploited the
democratization of Christianity, which allowed them to absorb some power
previously retained by the clergy. And the fourteenth centuries depleted stock
of competent and highly trained clergy were unable to successfully oppose the
challenge mystics presented.
Bibliography
Primary sources
C.Wolters, The Cloud of unknowing and other works.
(London: Penguin Books,1978).
M. Kempe, The Book of Margery Kempe, (London:
Penguin Publications, 1985).
W.
Hilton, [Translated by L. Sherley-Price], The ladder of perfection.
(London: Penguin Books, 1957).
W.Caxton, H. Seuse,
Comper, M.M, Frances, G. Congreve, The Book of theCraft of Dying, and other
early English tracts concerning death. (London: Longmans, 1917).
R.
Rolle, Judica Me in N. Watson. Richard
Rolle and the Invention of Authority. (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press 1991).
Secondary Sources:
B. Windeatt, English Mystics of the middle Ages, (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1994).
B.Mcgin, 'The changing
shape of late medieval mysticism'. Church
History. Vol 65, Iss 2, p197-220.
J.
Johnson. and W.Percy,. . The Age of Recovery. (Ithaca: Cornell
University Press, 1970).
N. Rice. Lay piety and religious discipline in Middle
English literature. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008).
P. Brown. The Cult of Saints: The Rise and function of
Saints in Latin Christianity. (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2009).
R.
Carroll & Stephen
Prickett, The Bible: Authorized King James Version,
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997).
R. N. Swanson, Catholic England: Faith, Religion and
Observance before the Reformation, (Manchester: Manchester University
Press, 1993).
N.
Watson. Richard Rolle and the Invention of Authority. (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press 1991).
S. Bell. (1982). ‘Medieval
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www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd_virg.htm (Accessed:
3/05/2016)
[1] J. Johnson. and W.Percy,. . The Age of
Recovery. (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1970),pp1-15.
[2] J. Johnson. and W.Percy,. . The Age of Recovery. (Ithaca:
Cornell University Press, 1970),pp50-51
[3] B.Mcgin, 'The changing shape of late medieval mysticism'. Church History. Vol 65, Iss 2, p197-220.
[4] R.
Carroll & Stephen
Prickett, The Bible: Authorized King James Version,
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997). Genesis 3,1-16
[5] P. Brown. The Cult of Saints: The Rise and function of
Saints in Latin Christianity. (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2009).
P28.
[6] www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd_virg.htm (Accessed: 3/05/2016)
[7] R. N. Swanson, Catholic
England: Faith, Religion and Observance before the Reformation,
(Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1993), p51.
[8] N. Rice. Lay piety and
religious discipline in Middle English literature. (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2008), pp1-3.
[9] B. Windeatt, English Mystics of the Middle Ages, (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1994), p1.
[10] S. Bell. (1982). Medieval Women Book Owners: Arbiters of Lay Piety
and Ambassadors of Culture. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society,
7(4), p.742-743.
[11] B. Windeatt, English Mystics of the Middle Ages, (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1994), p227
[12] M. Kempe, The Book of
Margery Kempe, (London: Penguin Publications, 1985), p198.
[13] R. N. Swanson, Catholic
England: Faith, Religion and Observance before the Reformation,
(Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1993), p18.
[14] W. Hilton, [Translated by L. Sherley-Price],
The ladder of perfection. (London: Penguin Books, 1957). p11
[15] W.Caxton, H. Seuse, Comper, M.M, Frances, G. Congreve, The book of
the craft of dying, and other early English tracts concerning death. (London:
Longmans, 1917). p55
[16] W.Caxton, H. Seuse, Comper, M.M, Frances, G. Congreve, The book of
the craft of dying, and other early English tracts concerning death. (London:
Longmans, 1917). p79
[17] N. Watson. Richard Rolle and the
Invention of Authority. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1991).
[18] M. Kempe, The Book of
Margery Kempe, (London: Penguin Publications, 1985), p127.
[19] R. Rolle, Judica Me in N. Watson. Richard Rolle and the Invention of
Authority. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1991).p78
[20] C. Wolters.
The Cloud of unknowing and other works. (London: Penguin
Books,1978). p64
[21] B. Windeatt, English Mystics of the middle Ages, (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1994), p68
[22] W. Hilton, [Translated by L. Sherley-Price],
The ladder of perfection. (London: Penguin Books, 1957). p8
[23] R. N. Swanson, Catholic
England: Faith, Religion and Observance before the Reformation,
(Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1993), p20
[24] C.Wolters.
The Cloud of unknowing and other works. (London: Penguin
Books,1978). p64
