Sunday 14 October 2018

Assessing the significance of St Luke in the Middle Ages




Assessing the significance of St Luke in the Middle Ages


(Please note that the King James Bible has been used to interpret religious doctrine in this article, but should be noted that this source was translated in 1611 and contemporary scriptures used by the clergy were in Latin).


The cults of Saint Luke the evangelist and Archangel Michael are significant as examples of interpreting the perceived instrumental power and influential power of saints in the middle ages at different levels of medieval society.  Saints are fundamental in leading an apostolic lifestyle, indeed, “For thou art an holy people unto the lord thy God: the Lord thy God hath chosen thee to be a special people unto himself, above all people that are on the face of the earth”. (Deuteronomy 7:6, KJV).[1] Furthermore, Rosenwein argues they provided a model of virtue and performed miraculous works as intercessors on God’s behalf.[2]  Archangel Michael status is founded in his biblical role particularly in Revelations, often depicted as a commander holding a spear, which was used to fight Satan. Conversely Saint Luke is venerated for his authorship of biblical scripture such as ‘The Gospel According to Luke and the ‘Acts of the Apostles,’ the gospel of Luke and Acts make up a two-volume work which scholars call Luke-Acts, jointly accounting  for 27.5% of the New Testament.[3] Both are clear examples of imperative understood virtuous icons of glory venerated throughout the Middle Ages.

 Saints have a significant role in society which included both the living and the dead, as they themselves were “the very special dead”. [4] As a special friend of God and Jesus Christ, Saints had influential and an influential power on a social and political level. The Golden Legend provides a thirteenth century view of the saints. Demonstrating how medieval society marvelled at the perceived strength, wonder and courage of Archangel Michael leading a battalion of angels against Satan. Furthermore, the source also references the hierarchal structure of angels, and how Archangel Michael as an archangel, would be found in the third of the three orders, the Hypophany.[5] Thus demonstrated how hierarchical structures imperative to medieval society and transcended into Christian doctrine and beliefs. Indeed, the Litany of the Saints, show a hierarchy of the saints, to which they were ordered in their relationship to Jesus Christ with Saint Mary as most significant as the mother of God, followed by the angels, prophets, disciples, martyrs, clergy through to the laity.[6] It demonstrates rigid categorization and understands different groups to be more significant than others, indicative of contemporary taste. Therefore,  saint were able to exercise divine power at different levels, making veneration of a particular saint more useful than another, and expected to respond appropriately to the Individuals demands through prayer.

While intercession provides man saints an opportunity to receive veneration, others such as Saint Luke offer alternative methods of communion with Jesus Christ, through authorship of biblical scripture, indeed Luke produced both The Gospel of Luke and Acts of the Apostles. In which Luke was able to provide a testimony of Jesus Christ’s miracles. Luke’s gospel is distinguished for the human attributes given to Jesus. Applauded as the compassionate saviour which Luke expresses Jesus’s undisputed love for all people, reaching out for women, the poor and outcasts in society. This particular emphasis was appealing to a clerical audience due to Jesus’s humanist actions. Furthermore, The Golden Legend recognises Luke’s symbolism through a sacrificial calf because he indulges Christ’s priesthood.[7] It is also important to recognise Luke’s Gospels significance to clergy as both its humanist depiction of Christ, but also the gospel’s anti-Maronite doctrine. Indeed, contemporary fears persisted to which Marcionism could threaten a schism within the Church through to middle ages.[8] This demonstrates how the saint’s attributes prescribed to a particular demographic for veneration, but how saints could be useful to support a particular cause on the wider geo-political sphere.

Saint Michael as an archangel takes an unusual position as, arguably, the most purist and pious genre of saints due to the nature of its sanctity formed in heaven as intercessors on heaven and earth, its significants is perceived to be inimitable through its typology. “Are they not all ministering spirits, sent forth to minister for them who shall be heirs of salvation?” (Hebrews 1: 14, KJV).[9] Indeed, contemporary’s perceived angels to act as spiritual messengers of God in order to guide and protect God’s people and could continue to act as  intercessors in the middle ages as they had done in biblical times.  The absence of a psychical body, or attainable relics left the saint’s cult universally deployable and adaptable to multiple localities. Indeed, Johnson supports that the cult of Saint Michael was the largest in the British Isles after Saint Peter, enjoying its greatest popularity in the Anglo-Norman period.[10] The cult of Saint Michael can certainly be described as universal, which Johnson argues three major Michealine cultic centres; Constantine’s Empire, the Lombards and the Carolingians, appropriated Saint Michael as the commander of the heavenly host in battle, as the patron saint of imperial ambition, to which such legionary appreciations determined characteristics of the archangel through earthly appreciations.[11] Demonstrating how the saint’s cult can extend into legend to which they are venerated as an iconic. Thirteenth century literature such as Gilte Legende,  Saint Michael is praised for his attack against Lucifer and the text encourages people to “make hym her special patron” to be worshiped will “deliuer us, refreyning, in the Apocalips”.[12] This demonstrates the extent to which legend played an important part in how the saint’s cult was perceived as significant through extra-canonical, often legends demonstrate how saints were understood, often inundated by theological misconceptions, which determine the saint’s perceived instrumentality.

During the crusades Saint Luke experienced a sanctified inventio, and was moved from Constantinople to Padua in Italy.  Luke is depicted as with pen in his hand, near an ox, symbolic of Christ’s sacrifice. His body, lied in Abbey of Santa Giustina, and provided a pilgrimage site, demonstrating how Luke’s cult had been translated to Italy and extended to western Christendom. Thus providing physical relics for devotion which could be disseminated and act as a vector for miraculous functions. Geary argues the significance of relics as a symbolic value to when illiterate society could appreciate with substantial local irregularity in veneration; as it was impossible to steal a relics old function in its original locality, of new appreciation for a saint had to come from “extraneous symbols induced along with the relics”.[13] Indeed, the devotion to a particular saint so some extent depended on the understood religiosity of audience’s perception of the saint’s power attained through cultic devotion. The extent to which saint’s experience of furta sacra was seemingly widespread in response to post-Carolingian Europe which needed to look to local saints for authority and order as competing nobilities feuded against one another and weakened political and cultural horizons. Geary argues this provided the conditions to allow a pan-European phenomena of  saint’s cults throughout western Christendom, facilitated by papal insistence on Saint Peter’s successor’s dignity,  and the increasing prominence of the ‘cult of Christ’ celebrated through the Eucharist; which was further expanded in the eleventh and twelfth centuries through expansion of commercial activities.[14] The translation of saint’s from east to west is indicative of a cultural shift of Christian authority from east to west, which a saint’s cult expanded through access to relics which provided Western Christendom with a saint’s attributes they could model their worship.

Thus it would seem devotion to saint could be rejected without a relic or to which a shrine could deploy the cult. However, Saint Michael’s locality remains in heaven which thus gives Michael the opportunity to become a universal by not being limited to a locality to which his relics must be acquired. Johnson argues that the archangel’s ‘asomatic limitations’ restricted Archangels to possess a hagiographic dossier resting on graphic descriptions of saints founded on legends.[15] However, some material relics were veneration, indeed Mont Saint Michael in Normandy claimed to possess Saint Michael’s sword and shield, and this demonstrates how a saint’s narrative could be manipulated, possibly to legitimize the monastic site as a pilgrimage center, central to economic motivation.

Overall, hierarchy is central to the saints, as was necessary to apply hierarchical relations to the divine as conceivable to society which depended upon hierarchal relations through tight social orders in order to recreate a power structure of the celestial which could then transfer their perceived power though intercession on earth. The attraction of a particular devotion to a saint can be seen through the imitability and inimitability of a saint which often correlates to the power of a saint and the charisma of the saint generated through their legend. Relics can then be used as physical entities as instruments of veneration in exchange for divine intercession. Saints acted as both pious models of Christian virtue and powerful intercessors ordained to perform miracles and understood to be active. Saints demonstrate how medieval society saw itself, to which aspired and it modelled itself. Saint’s interact within a power structure to which power was understood to disseminate from an omnipotent and omnipresent God, to which Saints acted within a co-ordinated system of hierarchy and obedience to which mirrored society in western Christendom. Saints provided intercession for their veneration as well as a module of virtue like Christ. They play a small part in the wider cult of Christianity. They demonstrate how individual virtuous choices, to which medieval society can imitate respected methods demonstrated through the typology such as virginity, confession, evangelism or Martyrdom. Qualities appreciated by a waring society that understood chivalry and faith to be aspirational. Therefore saints stood as contrary of the Devil who anticipates sinfulness of humanity, which is understood to be as much preordained in real life as in biblical scripture, ever since Eve picked the apple from the tree of knowledge in genesis.

Therefore, it is the prevalence of sin within medieval society presences saints as idealistic, whom lived a sinless life, avoided purgatory, and immediately join Jesus in heaven as a special friend of God.  This understanding of a saint therefore made veneration of one important as they could assist an individual on earth to perform a miracles in order to pass the gates of heaven. A society which established the saint’s power in the divine therefore automatically had established the saint’s power on earth. This allowed them to become social and political instruments in a society which believed earthy relics could enhance the closeness between saints; which in turn brought them closer to Jesus as a ‘mutual friend’. The closeness of the saint to Jesus, determined his power in both heaven and earth. With the prospect of those who venerated expecting successful and frequent intercession and expecting to increase their prospects of reducing their time in purgatory. Saint Michael, as an archangel, his power is not contested and we see his understood power on the hierarchy through the Liturgy of Saints as testimony to his perceived power, in comparison to Saint Luke. Therefore Archangel Michael’ veneration is experienced in through understanding his closeness to God as a heavenly divine creation. Therefore it is not surprising that physical relics of the Archangel have been found in Mont Saint Michael for example even though they theologically cannot exist on earth; to provide useful tools in harnessing the Saints power for political and personal needs. This supports the notion that powerful saint’s veneration and cult was in response to a violent post Carolingian world which power and authority were less certain, intrinsic to a society which relied on power relations.

Word Count: 1928.






Bibliography



Primary Sources



Books:

R. Carroll & Stephen Prickett, The Bible: Authorized King James Version, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997).



W. G, Ryan (Translator), Jacobus de Voragine, The Golden Legend, (Princeton, New Jersey, 1993).



R. Hamer, Gilte Legende, (Oxford: Oxford University Press and Society, 2012).



Websites:

W. Fitzgerald & O. Praem. The Litany of Saints in the Liturgy, http://www.adoremus.org/1108LitanyofSaints.html, (accessed 30 November 2015).



Secondary Sources



Books:



B. H. Rosenwein, 3rd Ed, A Short History of the Middle Ages, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2009). p31.



E. M, Boring. An Introduction to the New Testament: History, Literature, Theology. (Westminster: John Knox Press, 2012).



S. Ozment, Age of Reform, 1250-1500, (USA: Yale University Press, 1980).



R. F, Johnson. Saint Michael The Archangel In Medieval English Legend.( Woodbridge:  Boydell Press, 2005).



J. Adair, The Pilgrims’ Way: Shrines and Saints in Britain and Ireland, (Hamshire: Thames and Hudon, 1978).

P. Brown. The Cult of Saints, (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1981).

P. J, Geary, Furta Sacra. (New Jersey: Princeton University Press).

S. Farmer & B. H. Rosenwein. Monks and Nuns, Saints and Outcasts, Religion in Medieval Society: Essays in Honor of Lester K. Little. (USA: Cornell University Press, 2000).

J. H. Lynch & P. C. Adams, 2nd Ed, The Medieval Church: A brief history. (Abingdon: Routledge, 2014).

G. Tellenbach, The Church in Western Europe from the Tenth to the early Twelfth Century, (Cambridge: Cambridge Univerity Press, 1993).







[1] R. Carroll & Stephen Prickett, The Bible: Authorized King James Version, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997). Deuteronomy 7:6.
[2] B. H. Rosenwin, 3rd Ed, A Short History of the Middle Ages, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2009). p31.
[3] E. M, Boring. An Introduction to the New Testament: History, Literature, Theology. (Westminster: John Knox Press, 2012). p556.
[4] P. Brown. The Cult of Saints: The Rise and function of Saints in Latin Christianity. (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2009). p69.
[5] W. G, Ryan (Translator), Jacobus de Voragine, The golden Legend, (Princeton, New Jersey, 1993). pp201-211.
[6] W. Fitzgerald & O. Praem. The Litany of Saints in the Liturgy, http://www.adoremus.org/1108LitanyofSaints.html, (accessed 30 November 2015).
[7] W. G, Ryan (Translator), Jacobus de Voragine, The golden Legend, (Princeton, New Jersey, 1993). p248.
[8] S. Ozment, Age of Reform, 1250-1500, (USA: Yale University Press, 1980). P65.
[9] R. Carroll & Stephen Prickett, The Bible: Authorized King James Version, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997).  Hebrews 1: 14.
[10] R. F, Johnson. Saint Michael The Archangel In Medieval English Legend.( Woodbridge:  Boydell Press, 2005). p32.
[11]R. F, Johnson. Saint Michael The Archangel In Medieval English Legend.( Woodbridge:  Boydell Press, 2005). p106.
[12] R. Hamer, Gilte Legende, (Oxford: Oxford University Press and Society, 2012). pp368-371.
[13] P. J, Geary, Furta Sacra. (New Jersey: Princeton University Press).P 7
[14] P. J, Geary, Furta Sacra. (New Jersey: Princeton University Press). p24-25.
[15] R. F, Johnson. Saint Michael The Archangel In Medieval English Legend.( Woodbridge:  Boydell Press, 2005). p4.

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